Monday, December 9, 2013

Back to 1984


 

 “You obviously have got to play the dissident,” Amanda said, gazing out my Honda Civic’s front passenger window at the seemingly endless kilometers of tall pines flashing past in a blur of forest green. 
“Why me?” I asked, throwing up my hands, letting go of the steering wheel for just a moment, causing the car to swerve unsteadily towards the sandy shoulder before bringing it back onto the two-lane road.
“The Soviets considered all you Lithuanian-Americans dissidents,” Amanda said, “and so they will view you as a dissident whether you take on the role or not.”
              “How about you?” I asked.
              “I will play an American who has come to the Soviet Union because I am enamored with the Soviet system: No unemployment; a flat for everyone; a chicken in every pot, and so on.”
               I laughed. “You would,” I said.
             “Hey, I don’t want any trouble,” Amanda said. “I’ve heard they push you, shove you, scream in your face, lock you up in a bona fide Soviet prison cell if they feel like it.”
             “It would be too easy to turn this whole thing into a joke,” I mused.
             “That would be a waste of our money, wouldn’t it?”
               She was referring to the 100 litas ($37) each we had paid for the pleasure of putting ourselves in the role of a Soviet army recruit for three hours as participants in the 1984 Soviet Bunker Theater Show. You could only loosely call what we were about to experience a “theater show.” It was actually a participatory event, almost like a live reality show, only without the cameras, designed as an educational experience for Lithuanians too young to have experienced life under the Soviet occupation first hand and for foreign visitors who are curious about life in the occupied Baltic States. Actors play guards, KGB officers, and medical personnel and interact directly with the participants by immersing them in the experience. The entire show is conducted in Russian with no exceptions and it was up to you to understand or not.  All the actors have lived the Soviet experience for real and therefore draw not only from their expertise as actors, but also from their own life experiences to recreate this evening of Soviet drama. According to the show’s director, Ruta Vanagaite, "Sometimes the actors get stuck in that time and forget they are actors. We had to fire some of them because they were a little too hard on people. It’s very easy to break people’s will – once you are down there, six meters underground and you feel like you can’t get out.” 
             The show takes place in an actual Soviet bunker located about an hour’s drive outside of Lithuania’s capital, Vilnius.  Six meters underground, comprising 3,000 square meters of tunnels and cave-like rooms, the bunker was built in 1984 as an emergency base for Lithuanian state television transmissions, in case Vilnius came under attack from NATO. The bunker is equipped with stand-alone heating and sewerage facilities, communication lines to Moscow, and a roof designed to withstand the impact of a nuclear bomb. Needless to say, it was never used as shelter from a nuclear attack, but was used by members of pro-independence groups in the early nineties to disseminate information when Lithuanian radio and television was under siege by Soviet forces at the zenith of the independence movement.
             A metal sign shot up alongside the road indicating that we had arrived at our destination. I pulled over and parked outside of the decrepit yellow brick building that served as the project’s headquarters, our first step into the netherworld of a bleak and terrifying Soviet reality.  As instructed on the project’s web page, we placed our cameras, cell phones, GPS, and hand bags into the trunk of the Honda and headed inside the building. A woman dressed in a grungy gray Soviet-era quilt jacket and baggy gray pants ordered us in Russian to take off our jackets, hang them on the hooks provided, and put on one of the identical gray Soviet-era quilt jackets hanging on the coat rack. Dressed in our new clothes, Amanda and I were indistinguishable from each other, as well as from the other participants, who were standing around, giggling nervously or staring pensively. With the exception of two Italian university students, the other participants were mostly Lithuanian students, all of them looked too young to remember the Soviet occupation. There were few older Lithuanians as well. The banter among the groups of young people made it clear to me that they were here to have a good time. But what were the older folks doing here? Was it a need to return into the past? Or… Perhaps nostalgia?
           A tough-looking woman gruffly shoved a clipboard at each of us and demanded we sign. I read the disclaimer. We would not hold the theater company responsible for any psychological or physical trauma experienced as a result of participating in the 1984 Soviet Bunker performance. The document clearly stated that “in case of disobedience participants may receive psychological or physical punishments.”
          I signed.
         The woman snatched back the clipboards and deposited them on a rickety Soviet-era metal desk.
         A heavy-set young man dressed in a Soviet guard’s uniform muscled his way in and barked at us in Russian to follow him. He was followed by another guard, yanking back a snarling German shepherd on a short chain. He told us he would not hesitate letting the dog off its leash. All of us fell into immediate and total submission. We swiftly grouped ourselves into a line and marched outdoors behind the guard. He ordered us to stand in a row in a clearing in the forest. Friends grouped together. I stood beside Amanda.
         The entire performance is conducted in Russian in order to replicate what it would have been like to live as an occupied people. You were expected to know the occupier’s language—he was not going to bother to address you in yours. I could understand about eighty percent of the guard’s orders because I have made an effort to learn Russian, which is a different language branch than Lithuanian, my second mother tongue. The older generation present spoke Russian fluently—the State language in their day. The younger Lithuanians caught the gist from a general passive knowledge of Russian that is common in the Baltic States because of the proximity to Russia and high population of Russian speakers. The Italians asked for clarification in English, and as soon as they did, our guard lifted his meaty fist threateningly and let loose a string of expletives.
          The Italians shut up immediately.
          Our guard demanded that we count off by twos in Russian: odin, dva, and so on.
           Odin, dva,” we counted off.
           “I can‘t hear you!” the guard barked. “Louder!”
           Odin, dva,” we counted off, now with greater enthusiasm.
            “Now, all of you who said odin step forward!” the guard shouted.
            I stepped forward.
          “Form a line!” he demanded.
            I was separated from Amanda. I glanced back at her longingly. This was an old Soviet trick—to separate friends and family and regroup people.
          “No looking behind you! March!” he shouted in a near hysterical frenzy.
           Then he began to run in a trot. All of us odins trotted behind him. He demanded we chant, odin, dva, as we ran, and like a pack of fools, we did. We instantly lost our individuality. The dissident in me was not so much as putting up a fight. Would I really have been crushed that easily under the Soviet system?
          We trotted behind our guard through a patch of forest and then descended into a cavernous opening into what appeared to be a man-made concrete cave. This was the bunker. I descended the tunnels and was amazed to see that long corridors extended in all directions in a web-like fashion. Rows of doors led inside individual rooms. We were ordered to jog behind our guard through the corridors. Panting to keep up as the group ran ahead of me, I was struck with a sobering thought: What if I could not keep up with the group and lagged behind and got lost in this underground concrete labyrinth? The low concrete ceilings began to weigh in on me. I glanced up and noticed that not just hairline, but rather large cracks ran across the length of the concrete ceilings. This bunker had been built decades ago, during the Brezhnev years, by Soviet workmen paid under the table with bottles of vodka. Would those ceilings hold? But there was no time for reflection now. The guard commanded we move swiftly inside a small room so that it didn’t seem possible our group could fit—group think had begun.
           A primitive Soviet-era projector stood in the center of the room. A screen hung on the wall. The officer demonstrated how we must wait for the dvas to arrive by dropping down on one knee and tilting his chin upwards in servile anticipation towards the blank screen. He indicated that we must all do the same, adding a few succulent curses to get us in the right mood. We obeyed, dropping to our knees and striking the ridiculous pose, tilting our chins up expectantly. Our guard grunted his approval and snickered at our idiocy at the same time. Soon the bewildered dvas were herded into the room by the guard with the German shepherd. They were ordered to stand close behind us. I glanced around, looking for Amanda, but only caught a glimpse of half of her face at the back of the crowd. Because we were down on our knees and they were standing, the room could hold double the amount of the people than its normal capacity, an example of Soviet architectural ingenuity.
           The ancient projector hummed to life and the year 1984 flashed onto the screen. Scenes of happy Soviets pouring out of concrete apartment complexes walking swiftly and stern-faced to their work floated across the scene. A narration in Russian described a happy utopian life in the Soviet Union in which every citizen was provided for: Amanda’s scenario. Scene after scene of utopian harmony and happy Soviet citizens enjoying lives lived in an orderly society flickered before our eyes. As I watched the film, I began to feel oddly comforted. I caught myself day-dreaming: What if such a happy world could actually exist? A world in which a responsible government, like a good parent, took care of everything for you and all you had to do was fulfill your daily quota and be happy the rest of the time? The images on the screen promised a world without the worry of putting a roof over your children’s head and food in their bellies. As the newsreel churned on, I forgot myself and became lost in the dream of the propaganda. I struggled to match the happy scenes on the screen with the Soviet reality I remembered seeing during my student visits to Soviet-occupied Lithuania in 1983, 1984, and during the academic year I’d studied here in 1988-1989, but could not reconcile the two experiences. I forgot my current surroundings, my reality. I no longer cared that my knee was aching and trembling, supporting all my weight against the cold concrete floor and that the man crowded behind me was breathing hotly down my neck. I felt sad when the newsreel ground to a halt. I snapped back painfully into the present.
          “Everybody up!” the guard commanded.
           We leaped to our feet obediently. We were ordered to jog through the dark tunnels. I ended up at the end of the line and found myself just barely able to keep up with the gray-clad back retreating in front of me. The tunnel was not lit and I worried about tripping over something or making a wrong turn where the tunnel opened up and divided into two, sometimes three directions. Claustrophobic fears gnawed at the back of my neck as I ran: keep up, keep up, keep up with the crowd I repeated to myself.
          I was so focused on keeping up that when we arrived in the gas mask chamber, I realized that I had not paid attention to how we had gotten there and had no idea how to get out of the labyrinth if I needed to. We were ordered to wait for the command to open the burlap bags laid out on the tables and listened to a drawn-out explanation of the rules and protocol regarding gas mask usage. When the order was finally given, we each opened our bags and removed an authentic Soviet-era rubber gas mask. Our guard delivered yet another long-winded explanation on how to disinfect our gas masks using a cotton pad dabbed in rubbing alcohol. He belabored every detail, emphasizing each point, as though he were addressing a pack of idiots, which to him, obviously, we were. Then, we were ordered to clean the gas masks ourselves. He paced the room as we rubbed our cotton swabs inside the gas masks, pausing only to shout at someone, humiliate them, or insult them on their stupidity. Once we were finished with this task, we were ordered to put on our gas masks. With the gas masks pressed firmly to our faces, we endured another long speech on how the enemy, the evil capitalist West, intends to invade the great Soviet Union with gas attacks and how we had to be prepared.
          Wearing the gas masks, we were ordered to run, again, through the dark tunnels of the concrete bunker. After about fifteen minutes of running, with our gas masks fogged over, gagging for breath, we returned to the room for more “training.”
          “You!” the guard barked at a young man standing in the line-up. The young man raised his finger and tapped his chest as if to say, “Who me?”
          “Yes, you!” the guard screamed, his face growing red and hot with rage. The young man stood at attention. “Step forward!”
           The young man took a hesitant step forward.
          “How dare you conduct so serious an operation with a hard-on!”
            The man gave the guard a look as though to say, “Are you kidding me?”
           Everyone in the room burst out laughing at the expense of the young man, who stood there looking perplexed and furious all at the same time.
          “Get the hell out of here!” the guard screamed, his voice reverberating against the concrete walls of the close chamber. “You’re a disgrace!”
           The guard with the German shepherd grabbed the young man by the elbow and shoved him out of the room. That was the last we saw of him until the reality show was over.
         “Now, I’m going to show you what to do in case of a gas attack from the Americans,” our guard explained, shifting his voice into an almost pleasant, friendly, tone. “I need a volunteer.” He scanned our crowd of gas-mask clad quilt-jacketed fools and broke into a seedy grin. With a leering, flirtatious, smile, he gently coaxed a stocky young woman out of the crowd. He handed her a white cotton sheet. She took it hesitantly.
        “Don’t worry, I’m not asking you to go to bed with me,” he grunted. “Open up the sheet and lay it on the floor.”
         The girl began to giggle, looking over at her girlfriend, who snickered back at her.
         The guard smiled coquettishly, but prudishly, like a prim old lady. “Davai, davai,” he said gently, motioning for the girl to spread the sheet down on the concrete floor and to lie down on it. Still giggling, the girl spread the sheet on the floor.
        “Now grab the left top corner with your right hand and roll yourself up in the sheet,” he instructed.
         The girl rolled herself up in the sheet.
       “Everyone shout three times, urah!” the guard called out jovially.
        And we did.
       “That is how you survive a gas attack,” the guard announced triumphantly.
       Somehow I had a hard time believing that an old bed sheet could protect anyone from a gas attack, but I was not about to argue. The girl unrolled herself, stood, folded the sheet, handed it back to the beaming officer, and returned to her place in the line-up.
        After a brief tutorial on how to remove our gas masks and replace them into the burlap bags, we were again ordered to jog the corridors of the concrete labyrinth. Without hesitation we fell in step, jogging behind our commander, and soon found ourselves outside the Political Education Chamber—The Red Chamber. With a hushed reverence, our guard led us inside. He ordered us to stand at attention against both walls. Inside this small cell the walls were decorated with propaganda posters celebrating May 9, 1945. The collected works of Marx and Lenin were tidily arranged in a bookcase. A large desk dominated the room. Behind the desk stood a sly-looking, well-groomed, middle aged man in a more formal Soviet uniform, that of a higher level officer. He was the intellectual of the operation, I gathered, the brains behind the machinery. He was the KGB officer. I had heard that the show’s director had recruited unemployed ex-KGB officers to play these roles—for the sake of authenticity.
         After a pregnant pause, the KGB officer emerged majestically from behind his desk and paced around the room, looking each of us menacingly in the eye. He took a small book from his desk and began to read out loud to us, as though we were a gaggle of school children. The gist of the text was that one was either for or against the Party. If you were against the Party, then you must be terminated. If you were for the Party, the Party would take care of you. The KGB officer then spoke of Siberia, of concentration camps, of a variety of possible punishments for those who disobeyed. He stepped behind his desk and pulled a sheet of white paper from his drawer.
        “You!” he demanded, pointing at a young man, “come here.”
        The young man did not seem to understand Russian, so the person standing beside him pushed him forwards.
         "You don’t understand Russian?” the officer sneered.
          The young man shook his head, no.
         “A disgrace!” the KGB officer bellowed, “An illiterate! We have an illiterate among us!” He shoved the blank sheet of paper at the young man. “Sign here!” he shouted, tapping the bottom of the page with his index finger, and then thrusting a pen at him. The young man dutifully signed on the bottom of the blank page. The KGB officer snatched the paper and held it aloft triumphantly. “Now I have a signed document!” he said, pacing around the room, shoving the paper in our faces. “I can write anything I like on the top of the page and it is a legal document. It contains his signature.” Then he turned to the young man, “Perhaps I should write that you agree that your family are traitors and ought to be sent to Siberia? Ah? Or do you agree to come and see me every Thursday and tell me about your friends? I don’t need to know a lot, just the moods of your friends, what they are talking about, what concerns them.”
          The KGB officer stopped in his tracks and gazed at each of us through narrow brown eyes.
         “All of you have families, right? And you want your families to be safe, don’t you? Then, you ought to have no trouble agreeing to help us out.”
          The officer stepped from person to person and posed the question directly to each one of us: “Do you agree to collaborate with the KGB?”
          Person after person calmly gazed back into the KGB officer’s eyes and answered, “Da,” yes, I will collaborate. Just like that. No one resisted. Not one person in the room so much as hesitated before answering. All of them agreed to inform on their associates. Of course, this was only a reality show, but still? Because everyone had agreed to collaborate and not one person had resisted, the KGB officer moved through the room rather quickly. I was the second to last person left. He soon ended up in front of me. He looked deep into my eyes and calmly asked, “Will you collaborate with the KGB?”
          The answer that rose up from deep within me was “Nyet.” No, I would not agree to collaborate or inform.
           I hadn’t planned it. I hadn’t rehearsed it. The word simply came spontaneously to my lips and once it was there it seemed absolutely right.
          “Perhaps you misunderstood my question,” the KGB officer cooed. “I will rephrase it.”
          He repeated his question.
          Again, I answered, “Nyet.”
          I knew my defiance was not about bravery, not about patriotism, not even about principle. It was about ego. I would not allow myself to be broken and that was final. In that moment, I was convinced that I would prefer death to buckling in to the KGB officer by saying, “Yes, I will collaborate.” In that moment I had learned something about myself: I was no hero.
          I’d always had this nagging feeling inside when interviewing prisoners of conscience that their resistance was somehow about them. Editor and typist of the human rights journal, The Chronicle of the Catholic Church of Lithuania, Nijolė Sadūnaitė, used to play mind games with her interrogators. She wore them down. Even now she lights up when she talks about “the good old days” and all the excitement of being locked up in solitary, arguing with her interrogators, getting exiled to Siberia, and taking it all in stride. “It was like a tourist trip, she likes to say glibly. “They take you to the wilderness for free and provide you with armed guards to protect you from the local wildlife.”
         It took not only strength of character to be a prisoner of conscience, but a healthy ego. In the dull gray monotonous world of the Soviet Union the only fun around was to challenge the all-powerful KGB to a good fight. I experienced that same thrill the moment I said, “Nyet.”
        The group gazed at me in disbelief. The KGB officer ordered me to step forward. He told me to raise my arms. He told one of the women who’d agreed to collaborate to search my pockets and she did. This woman pulled out a plastic baggy with white powder inside of it and handed it dutifully to the KGB officer.
        “Drugs,” the officer said in mock surprise. “Just as I suspected. We have a drug addict among us.”
        He held the plastic baggy containing white powder up high for all to see. “Guard, bring her to the Med Punkt!”
       The guard with the German shepherd wordlessly led me to the closed door of the Med Punkt, the medical center. I was told to wait in the hallway.
       After a few minutes, the guard opened the door and shoved me inside. There were the dvas, lined up against the wall, looking aghast. In the corner stood a primitive Soviet dentist chair connected to a drill powered by foot pedal. The instruments laid out beside the chair looked rough, primitive, brutal. A terrified young man sat in the chair with his mouth hanging open, waiting for his “dental exam.” Meanwhile, the dentist, who doubled as a doctor, a Soviet bottle red-head with a cynical sneer, was busy behind a screen giving a frightened young woman a “gynecological exam.”
       The doctor emerged from behind the screen and launched into a propagandistic tirade about how the Soviet citizen’s body belonged to the Communist State and therefore should be well maintained to serve the Communist State. To abuse the body was to cheat the State. There was nothing soft or conciliatory about her. She barked propaganda and waved her primitive sharp implements dangerously, flaunting her power over her victim’s bodies. She interjected two endearing words of praise, “pravilna” and “atlichna,” every few sentences to soften her harshness. She was terrifying in her cold precision. She was capable of petting you and being good to you if only you submitted to her will. She was the most dangerous type, the good cop and bad cop wrapped up in one. And she played her role exceedingly well. You can still occasionally meet her type on the trolleybuses—old women, now powerless, but once almighty during the Soviet era. They are the type who will give you a sharp elbow in the back, curse at you, and when you lose your own dignity and say something rude back, they smile and nod and accept you into their sordid fraternity with a commiserating smile.
         The doctor launched into a speech about the evils of people like me who used drugs, and who undermined the utopia of the Soviet Union. She demanded to know who gave me the drugs. I answered simply, “Your KGB officer.” The doctor slammed her fist down on the desk, frightening the dvas lined up against the wall. She broke into a rant, spitting out her fury in a stream of superlatives. I had done the unthinkable. I had accused the KGB to her face. She finished her speech by demanding that I be placed in solitary confinement.
          The guard with the German shepherd led me into a bare windowless cell painted that ghastly Soviet pale green one sees only in prison cells and in Stalin-era apartments inhabited by senior citizens who’ve not been able to renovate. Inside the cell was an iron bed with a badly stained mattress. A bucket stood in the corner. But the most frightening part was that the door had no handle. That detail shocked me out of the game for a moment. I began to imagine wild scenarios in which the reality show ended and the actors had forgotten to come back and unlock the door and release me. I assessed the bed frame. Could I lift it and knock out the door if necessary?
         Stop it! I commanded out loud. I knew from prisoners of conscience that the only power the prisoner has is the power of the mind. I had to hold onto my will and I had to focus my thoughts and think positively. Locked up alone in this cell with no door handles, I could tumble into madness very quickly. I thought of what a real prisoner of conscience would have had to face in this moment: beatings, torture, interrogation.
         Nijolė Sadūnaitė had been kept locked in one of these cells as her strength slowly drained away and her hair fell out. When she returned to her cell in 1991, days after the KGB evacuated headquarters after the failed putsch in Moscow, she found two large x-ray machines set up against the outside wall of her cell.
        Eventually, the guard with the German shepherd did return to fetch me. I was passed on to a woman who led me through the corridors and whispered to me in Lithuanian, “You can get yourself out of this mess. When you go see the interrogator, all you have to do is sign a paper explaining that this was all a misunderstanding and that you agree to work for the KGB. Everything will be forgiven.”
       This tactic was familiar—informers planted in the prisons who posed as fellow prisoners and who acted compassionately towards the prisoner who did not reveal information under torture. Their job was to gain that prisoner’s trust and to wheedle information out of them nicely. They proved to be more effective than the interrogators who administered brutal beatings.
        I was led back to the Red Chamber. As I walked through the corridors I thought to myself: How far do I want to push this game? What will they do if I continue to resist? What other punishments have they devised for resistors like me? How far are they willing to go? I remembered the release I’d signed.
         Just as I was brought back into the Red Chamber, a group was being led out and marched to the work camp. I fell in step and marched along with them. Nobody stopped me. I simply slipped away from the KGB officer. This was another absurdity of the Soviet system: Inconsistency. You could be an enemy of the state, but if the show must go on, you get overlooked.
        In the work room we were given shredded canvas gloves and were instructed to haul scrap metal from one table to the next, our work quota. Our guard played with us by making us go faster, then slower, as if we were dancing some absurdist polka at the mercy of a mad fiddler.
        When our work quota was complete, our group was herded into another room to view the electric chair. The guard explained to us that if we disobeyed orders, this was where we’d be brought to meet our end. Was this where I would have been brought—theoretically—had I continued to resist? Would my rebellious ego have been silenced into smoke? Gazing at that chair I was knocked out of the state of mind of the game and stood facing reality. The chair was real. And it showed signs of use. What terrified me more than the chair itself, was the stove pipe leading out of the back of the chair. The ashes and smoke had to be funneled out from somehow. This stove pipe was just like all the other common stove pipes one saw connected to wood stoves and masonry heaters all over the world—something practical and familiar.
        The guard took in the frightened looks on our faces and let out a long hearty chuckle. That was the signal that the show was over. We were invited to visit the Beryozhka—the special shop for foreigners filled with Soviet “luxury” items. Our guard metamorphosed from a shouting tyrant into a great big puppy, laughing, telling jokes, entertaining us with his wit, slapping us on the back in a friendly manner. Even the German shepherd stopped barking and began wagging its tail and nudging his muzzle towards me to be pet.
       Amanda and I were reunited when both our groups were herded together into the Beryozhka. Our now cheerful guard launched into playful descriptions of all the items for sale. He had the most fun with Soviet factory-issue women’s undergarments. He held up the biggest and ugliest bra I’d ever seen in my life, pressed it against his chest, and launched into a mock-propaganda speech on how, naturally, Soviet women have the biggest boobs in the whole world. We laughed heartily, partly because it was funny, partly to relieve pent-up tension. He invited us to select a gift for ourselves from the shop’s shelves.
        Afterwards, we were led down the hall to the canteen for dinner, Soviet style. We sat in comradely fashion on benches pushed up against long tables covered in red table cloths. Amanda told me how she had immediately admitted to being an American early in the show and in the Red Chamber had gleefully written a statement saying how she wanted to immigrate into the Soviet Union. As we were talking, our KGB officer sauntered up to me and said gently in Lithuanian, “I was a little hard on you back there. Please forgive me.”
        “It’s fine,” I said.
        “Have a drink of vodka,” he said and poured me a shot.
          I asked an older man seated beside us why he had come. He said it was his son’s birthday, and pointed to a young man who looked to be about twenty. He said his wife bought the tickets as a birthday gift, so their son could understand what life had been like for him and his grandparents, who had been deported to Siberia after World War II. He explained that he had been born in a prison camp. He had lived through the Soviet years with a constant nagging feeling of fear. This experience had brought it all back to him.
          The 1984 Soviet Bunker show was an interactive theater performance and I always knew in the back of my mind that my tormentors were actors and that eventually the show would end and I would return to my normal life. I wondered, however, whether I was really so brave when I visited Soviet-occupied Lithuania as a high school student in 1984 and a few years later when I lived and studied there for a year in 1988-89? As an American citizen for me the Soviet Union was just one big reality show and I could always get out if I had to. But the people who lived in that system could never get out. I remembered a story a man told me about the first time  who told he visited the West after independence. His first instinct was to “escape.” He spontaneously began running across an open field, until it dawned on him that Lithuania was free and that he could stop running now.

 

Saturday, November 30, 2013

Tending Memories of the Dead: Antakalnis Cemetery

         My grandparents on their wedding day: Janina Ciurlyte-Simutiene and Anicetas Simutis 
                                                             Kaunas, Lithuania, 1936


Death is the great equalizer. Like the bones of the dead, layers of history intermingle in Antakalnis Cemetery. The cemetery’s incongruous monuments and grave markers reflect varying points of reference—religious, political, cultural, ideological—as they have played out here in Lithuania over centuries of humanity. “Antakalnis” in Lithuanian means “on top of the hill.” Here, from its hilltop location the cemetery bears witness to the overlapping stratums of human life, and strife, in this northern European country of three million. This is a land that has known little peace, a crossroads between Eurasia and Europe, a tiny country surrounded by three giants, Russia, Poland, and Germany. The cemetery holds the remains of foreign occupying armies and armies passing through; the peacemakers and the traitors; the priests and the atheists; the artists and the pragmatists. My grandparents, Ambassador Anicetas Simutis and Janina Čiurlytė Simutienė, are buried here. I am the family caretaker of their grave. I am the keeper of their memory.
           In the spring of 2007, my mother and I had my grandparents’ remains cremated and the ashes packed into a small metal container about the size of a jewelry box, something shiny and decorative that my grandmother would have liked. We flew from New York City across the Atlantic with the box tucked deep inside a quilt carrying bag, each of us holding one handle, as we negotiated American, and then European, airports.
            My grandparents’ burial took place in the spring of 2007 on one of those May days when the sky is aquamarine and crowded with cumulous clouds, and the northern sun draws out the deepest purples and brightest yellows from the wildflowers creeping up the cemetery’s hillsides. As our family walked the cemetery path flanked by tall pines behind an honor guard sent by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, my mother whispered to me, “If she can see us, Bobutė will like this.” My grandmother liked pomp and circumstance. I could not remember eating a meal at my grandmother’s table, even a casual one, when she did not set out silver and cloth napkins. My grandfather was modest, preferring to ride to United Nations sessions by subway rather than in a limousine at his struggling country’s expense.
           My mother was born in New York City in 1939. I was born in 1966 in New Jersey. Although I was born two generations removed from Lithuania, my grandparents taught me to love and respect my heritage and to make it a priority to return to live and work in an independent Lithuania. In the past twenty-five years of my life, I’ve returned to Lithuania twice as a Fulbright lecturer and have worked, conducted research, and lived in Vilnius in a variety of capacities. I maintain a second home in Vilnius. I have dual citizenship. I have cultivated the same social circle since I was a student at Vilnius University in 1988 and 1989.
To reach my grandparents’ grave from my apartment in the center, I exit the building’s gated cobblestone courtyard and step onto Saint John’s Street, into the shadow of the bell tower of the baroque Church of Saint John. I enter the flow of pedestrian traffic on narrow winding Castle Street that wends from the Gates of Dawn, where Catholics pray on their knees on the cobblestone street below the miraculous painting of the Virgin Mary, to where it ends at the foot of Gediminas Castle, situated on a forested hill towering over Vilnius.
Vilnius is a city built on a dream. The legend is that in the early fourteenth century, after a weary day of hunting in the hills, Grand Duke Gediminas lay down to sleep on the ground in the forest and had a vivid dream of an iron wolf howling at the top of the hill. The wolf instructed the Grand Duke to build a great city nestled between these hills and protected by three rivers. Centuries before Jungian dream interpretation, the Grand Duke sought out the help of the pagan shaman, Lizdeika, who instructed him to heed the iron wolf’s message. Vilnius is first mentioned in the letters of Grand Duke Gediminas as the capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in 1323.
I weave my way between a myriad of café tables set directly on the street, populated with lingering coffee-drinkers and wine tasters, heads bent together deep in conversation, or tilted back, laughing easily. The usual beggars and con men work the tables. I pause to listen to the street musicians; cross the street to Cathedral Square. Here, in the shadow of classical Vilnius Cathedral, with its tall white columns and statues of saints and angels on the roof, beside the elegant slim bell tower painted white with ancient copper bells that resound across the city every evening precisely at six, I take a brief hiatus to let the local chapter of Hari Krishnas glide across the square on their evening procession, swirling in their scarlet and purple robes, beating drums, and singing hari hari with a distinctly Lithuanian inflection. I stop in my tracks to let the occasional marching band pass, or uniformed school group, or to guard against my shins being run into by teenage skate boarders gliding down the white marble stairs, designed five hundred years ago for pause and reflection.
I glance up at Gediminas Castle, tenacious and steadfast. If I climbed the cobblestone road up to the castle, from the battlements I would see Antakalnis Cemetery, and just beyond the cemetery, the forest that extends 33.8 kilometers to the Belarussian border.
I cut through the leafy green park that stretches along the Vilnelė River—perfect for idyllic summer afternoon boating in the style of nineteenth century impressionist paintings—and walk at a brisk pace down Antakalnis Street, dividing the suburb of Antakalnis in half—one side populated by crumbling Soviet-era brick and cement apartment buildings and their similarly crumbling occupants; the other side sporting mirror-image crumbling buildings, only, interspersed between them, are charming side streets with even more charming names, like Sea Goddess Street (Jurates Gatve) or Street of the Goddess of Love (Mildos Gatve), that lead up the steep hill towards well-maintained cozy wooden one-family homes that are populated by “new” Lithuanians—young families in their twenties and thirties with West European educations and promising careers.
Once I reach the baroque Church of Saint Peter and Paul with its ornate interior of pudgy angels and a ship made of crystal that hangs above the altar, I know I am almost at my destination. Situated in front of a precarious (and infamous for fender benders) traffic circle where for some reason the traffic lights have never been switched on, the Church of Saint Peter and Paul is my landmark for the road that leads up the hill and into Antakalnis cemetery.
Between tall swaying pines, in the shadow of the forest that was once the Sapeigine hunting grounds of the medieval Grand Dukes, I find my grandparent’s grave. Here is my point of reference. Here I remember my grandfather, two meters tall and as a broad as a refrigerator. My grandfather, who for half a century represented a country that had been wiped off all the maps of the world. My grandfather, who struggled to support a family of four on a symbolic income from the Lithuanian émigré community while hunted by the KGB, badmouthed by traitors and informers, glorified by patriots. He stubbornly maintained his post as Consul General of prewar independent Lithuania, working out of a rent-controlled apartment on Manhattan’s Upper West Side. My grandfather issued pre-War independent Lithuanian passports to political refugees; helped displaced persons find work and shelter after World War II; gave fiery anti-Soviet speeches on The Voice of America and Radio Free Europe and pressured the State Department not to recognize Lithuania’s incorporation into the Soviet Union. With his voice of reason, making the argument that drains on the Soviet economy would eventually cause the Soviet Union to implode, Anicetas Simutis led his community of postwar refugees through the long dark years of the Cold War until 1991, when at the age of 85, he was appointed newly independent Lithuania’s first Ambassador to the United Nations by Lithuania’s fledgling democratic government.
I once asked my grandfather if he was an idealist.
“No,” my grandfather answered, “I am not an idealist. I am duty-bound to my country.”
He and my grandmother were duty bound to a country they could never return to while the Soviets were in power—unless they were willing to face imprisonment or a death penalty. They waited fifty-five years to be able to come home.
In the meantime, I went home for them. At the time I was studying at the Lithuanian Gymnasium, a high school in Germany that taught courses in a combination of the German and Lithuanian languages, a carry-over from the post-war refugee schools. I traveled to Soviet-occupied Lithuania for the first time in 1983 as a guest on a KGB-sponsored tour for the children of Lithuanian émigrés. I visited again in that Orwellian year, 1984.  I was one of the hand-picked students selected to go. I knew immediately that I had been selected because the KGB was very interested in my grandfather’s activities.
I wrote in my journal about my trip to Lithuania when I was seventeen:
            My first thought was that I absolutely could not go. I could not compromise my grandfather's principles and life work. How would it look? The granddaughter of Consul General Anicetas Simutis traipsing off an all-expense paid propaganda tour of Soviet-occupied Lithuania?  I went to our dorm supervisor’s apartment and paid her five Deutsch marks to use the phone to call America. I told my grandfather that I had been selected as one of the students to go on the trip to Lithuania. I told him that obviously I would refuse the trip. “Laima, you must go,” my grandfather said. “No matter what you do, people will talk about me. You must go and stick your nose everywhere possible and then when you come back you will report everything you saw and heard to me.
 
Dissidents who worked at Radio Free Europe in Munich gave me a stack of Bibles, political books, papers, letters, and medicine—all of it contraband in the Soviet Union—with instructions on how to deliver them once I was behind the Iron Curtain to the appropriate sources, political prisoners and underground dissidents who were working to undermine the Soviet Union from within. I was warned that at the border between Poland and the USSR our luggage would be checked. Each coupe was allocated fifteen minutes time for inspection.  To get around the inspection I buried my “illegal literature” deep on the bottom of my suitcase. On top I scattered copies of light porn magazines and lingerie. When the soldiers came in to inspect our coupe—two young boys around my age—they became engrossed in leafing through my “contraband” magazines and never dug any deeper in my suitcase. They curtly informed me that they needed to confiscate the magazines and admonished me for trying to bring “pornography” into the Soviet Union, where such corrupt magazines were outlawed. That was how I delivered necessary medicines, letters, and political and religious materials to people working the underground in Lithuania, my grandfather’s people. At the same time, I dutifully attended every propaganda tour and session.
In 1988 and 1989 I returned to Lithuania to study Lithuanian Literature for a year at Vilnius University. I arrived just in time to witness the “singing revolution” that led to Lithuania’s independence from the Soviet Union. It was a carnival-like time when it seemed as though the entire country poured into the streets to speak their minds. The revolution was dubbed the “singing revolution” because massive crowds sang folk song after folk song, protest song after protest song, as they peacefully gathered in the spirit of Ghandi and Martin Luther King.
By car Antakalnis Cemetery is no more than fifteen minutes’ drive from the center—providing there is no traffic. At a brisk pace this distance can be walked in forty minutes.
Or longer, if thousands are walking in procession together, as was the case on January 16, 1991, when the remains of fourteen peaceful demonstrators (thirteen of them students in their early twenties) were laid to rest in Antakalnis Cemetery in the bitter cold and twilight darkness of a northern winter afternoon. The demonstrators gathered on the night of January 12-13, surrounding the Vilnius Television tower in a human chain, to protect the tower from Soviet troops, who were ordered in with tanks and machine guns. They had been singing folk songs when they were attacked and killed. Their graves are laid out in a sweeping arc, nestled against a protective hill, with a marble Pieta in the center.
After independence in 1991, my grandparents were finally able to go home. Friends they had parted with in 1936, when as newlyweds they sailed to New York to fill my grandfather’s post as a young diplomat, students and young professionals then, greeted them at the airport in 1991 leaning in over their canes to shake hands. The few who were still alive, that is.  Almost all of them had been through the Gulags of Siberia. After my grandfather died, my mother and I found a manifesto written out by hand in elegant script on the back of a black and white photograph of my grandfather and his three closest friends taken in 1933. The foursome were in their twenties, had just completed their university studies, and had embarked on a tour of Western Europe. Inspired by the sights of Europe, they wrote their manifesto. They vowed to remain close friends until death parted them and to always choose the decent, courageous, and righteous path in life. Ten years later only my grandfather was still alive. Tucked behind the photograph and manifesto there was a letter dated 1953, the year Stalin died. The letter was from Siberia. In the letter the daughter of one of the friends in the photographs describes how her father died of starvation in a concentration camp in Siberia in 1943; how his dying wish was that she write to his friend, Anicetas, and let him know.
In the spectrum of an extended family’s gene pool, I connect most with my grandfather. I knew this from the age of sixteen. We look alike. We think alike. We intuit alike. We obsess alike. And we shared the same birthday, February 11, which we always celebrated together with tea and cake. When I read through my grandfather’s personal journals after his death, I felt how the space he carved for his own private reflection reminded me of my own fingerprint of thought.
After my grandfather’s death in March 2006, I was cleaning out his house in Long Island. In the garden shed I found cartons and cartons of his writing, accumulated over the years. It was just like him to store his work in the garden shed. My grandfather was a modest man, a practical man. Once the writing had served either its public purpose or private function, it was relegated to the garden shed. He wrote for Lithuanian newspapers before the war and émigré newspapers after the war. He wrote detailed diplomatic pro memorias to his boss, Stasys Lozoraitis, in Washington, but he worked out his private thoughts in his personal journals.
Antakalnis Cemetery was established in 1809. In the early nineteenth century mostly soldiers—Russian, German, and Polish—were buried here. On the left side of the sandy footpath that divides the cemetery into two halves the remains of Polish soldiers from Józef Klemens Piłsudski’s army are laid to rest in diagonal sweeping rows marked with identical white stone crosses that plummet and dip across the sloping valley. They fought to annex Vilnius to Poland in 1919 – 1920. Vilnius and its environs remained under Polish control until 1939 when Stalin returned the historic capital and surrounding areas to the Lithuanian republic in exchange for permission to station Soviet troops on Lithuanian soil.
Every year on All Soul’s Day members of the Polish community honor the fallen Polish soldiers by placing three simple white candles on each point of each cross, creating a sweeping visual image in the ink-black November night. Some Lithuanians take the gesture as a reminder that although the Poles have retreated for the moment, they will be back. After all, they reason, Piłsudski’s heart is buried in Vilnius and his body in Poland. Certainly one day he will have to come back to retrieve his heart
Only footsteps from the remains of Piłsudski’s army lie the remains of 3,000 soldiers from Napoleon’s Grand Armee. Their bones are consolidated into one mass grave marked with a common marker. In 2002 a construction company was excavating in the suburb of Žirmūnai when workmen uncovered layers of bones. At first they thought the worst, the typical story in this region, either Holocaust victims killed during the Nazi occupation of 1941-1944 or Lithuanian resistors to the Soviet occupation killed during the 1944-1956 partisan war. But testing proved those first guesses wrong. The bones dated from the early nineteenth century, when Napoleon left his Grande Armee to fend for themselves on the streets of Vilnius after his retreat from Russia in the deep of a northern European winter. Further testing revealed that Napoleon’s soldiers had frozen to death, died of exposure, or died of starvation. When I wander through the cemetery, I often think of these men of the Mediterranean, of warmer climes, and of the reckless futility of their winter march on Moscow.
For Lithuanians, living so deep in the hinterlands of Europe, any brush with greatness, no matter how infamous, is noteworthy. Once when visiting a friend’s dacha, my friend’s mother enthusiastically pointed at a trench in their backyard and proudly said, “Napoleon’s army marched through here.” On my father’s side relatives boast a dash of French blood, thanks to Napoleon. My great-great grandmother found a wounded French soldier in the fields and nursed him back to health, later becoming his wife. Subsequent generations point fingers at this distant French ancestor as the cause of any family lunacy and the explanation as to how in this gene pool of blonds some of our relatives have black hair and olive complexions.
            My grandparents’ grave is located in my favorite part of Antakalnis Cemetery—a hill top devoted exclusively to dreamers. Here creative people are laid to rest: artists, poets, writers, actors, musicians, theater directors, and alongside them, émigré diplomats who served as Lithuania’s diplomatic corps in exile during the Soviet occupation. They all grew old together, united by their cause, the fight for independence for Lithuania, and now they all rest together.
            The creativity of the people laid to rest here is reflected in the graves themselves. There is no “standard” or “uniform” or “traditional” grave stone. Each grave is a sculpture and the sculptors who create them strive to create monuments that are works of art. The grave of an actor is expressed as a stone sculpted tastefully in the shape of the comedy and tragedy masks. Another grave, of a writer who committed suicide, consists of a simple circle of stones with a slender linden tree growing gracefully through the center.
Beside my grandparents’ grave is the grave of Birutė Pūkelevičiūtė, a writer and poet of my grandparents’ generation, who was also an émigré in America. She corresponded with me, commenting on my poems when I was first learning the craft as an adolescent. In 1992, before I gave birth to my first son, Birutė wrote me a letter in which she described the dichotomy between birth and death: “When a woman gives birth, death hovers close by.” She enclosed this poem about her own birth, which I translated into English: 

Bird-Cherries

 
My mother was slender, like the bird-cherry.
Heavy with me, her misfortune ripened.
Wide bowls filled with wild flowers—
The yellow painted shutters remained
Closed: she was painting for me.

I came during the very Consecration—
When all the roads are empty, the organ still.
Throughout the night my cradle filled
With jagged, fallen, harvest stars.
And my mother cried out bitterly
For the first time.
Because I had broken away,
Like a land-slide, and will rush
Down. Without her. 

Really—
She holds my hands from slipping out of hers.
Autumn orchards burn red.
Wild drakes fly south; their wings
Smolder bronze.
Then I say good-bye.
The path through the rushes hunches in.
The sedges are like sharpened knives.
Toothless trunks gape at me;
My joints shake.
But I do not turn back.

On the second tier of the hill lies my dear friend, the poet Nijolė Miliauskaitė, who died in 2002 at the age of 50 from breast cancer. I remember our last visit together in May, 2001. She wore a big floppy wig with bangs that fell too far down on her forehead. Nijolė prepared a table full of Indian delicacies for my visit. Nijole and her husband, the poet Vytautas Bložė had embraced Eastern teachings, mantric singing, dietary control, and an enhanced sense of transcendent mystical connection to the world made possible through their belief in Hindu teachings. They never ate in restaurants because they could not be sure of the karma of the cooks who prepared the food. The especially never ate store-bought bread because the process of kneading the bread ensured that a stranger’s karma would enter it and by eating it that karma would pass into them.
After lunch we drove from their apartment in Druskininkai to Nijolė and Vytautas's cottage in a nearby village. I was amazed at the amount of renovating and gardening the couple had done—he in his seventies and in poor health and she with her chemotherapy and radiation treatments that required long hospital stays. In her kitchen Nijolė had painted every appliance aquamarine blue, along with the kitchen floor and walls. Blue was a healing color, she told me, a divine color, a spiritual color. Months after her death, Vytautas said to me: “Everywhere I look, I see her unfinished work.”
About a year before her diagnosis, I translated one of Nijolė’s poems. Now, upon reflection, I believe she sensed then that her time had come:


Time to Transplant

this spring I must transplant, it's about time.
my aloe, old, gnarled,
aloe vera treasured beyond words
by those who know its healing qualities
hidden deep within

what a tangle of roots, tiny ones, thick ones
so tight that there is no way
I can remove them no matter what I do—
I grab a rock and smash the vase

and why after all
were you so stubborn clinging
to those clay walls 
with all your strength?
what was it that you were holding onto?
stop scratching me, stop scraping my arms

don't tell me you liked 
your prison narrow and poor as it was
where you never had enough water or food, after all
you'll get a new vase, spacious and beautiful!

my soul, don't tell me that you too
are clutching at the unstable
temporary walls 
of your prison


            Nijolė’s grave marker consists of a playful angel with pudgy cheeks carved by a local woodcarver. The angel wears a smirk on his face. Knowing Nijolė, I think this hastily written poem of hers could have served as her epitaph:

ach, not again! I cannot
do two things at once:
if I'm writing a poem
then there's no doubt
that I'll burn the potatoes

 A few footsteps down the path, the writer Jurga Ivanauskaitė rests.  She earned her stripes as a controversial post-Soviet writer when she wrote a novel about priests having sex with young girls. After independence, when Lithuanians could travel for the first time, she hitch-hiked to Dharamsala, India, to study Buddhism with the Dalai Lama. She wrote a nonfiction trilogy about Buddhism and Tibet. Jurga died of cancer at the height of her career at the age of 45. I translated her last book of essays, The Sentence, written during the two years of life she “borrowed” after her cancer diagnosis by getting specialized treatments in a hospital in Lund, Sweden. The essays are honest, spare, written in a race against death, and in my opinion, are her best work:
 
On the same evening I find out that I have cancer, I find out that I have been awarded the National Prize for Culture and Art. … On that memorable evening I did not feel pain or fright or even panic. … My only wish— to get home from the hospital and to cry my heart out in the kitchen, chain smoking—was fated not to happen. I had barely got a good cry going when the phone rang and a cheerful voice congratulated me on winning the National Prize.  Again, just as the tears managed to come and get me past my rock hard wall of self-control, the phone rang again, and I was obligated, as winner of the prize, to give a blitz telephone interview to a journalist. My cry gets lost in the emotional underbrush and does not return, like a stepchild led out into the forest, who has tossed away his breadcrumbs in vain. During my year of overtime I rarely cry. I laugh much more. And I smile almost all the time…

Jurga’s mother often comes to tend her grave while I am tending my grandparents’ grave. We share a common water spigot. She is my cemetery friend. When we each finish our weeding and watering, we take a stroll together around the cemetery, and Jurga’s mother advises me on what plants grow best in this harsh northern climate and which plants to avoid. She speaks softly, pointing to this shrub, that groundcover, offering me sound advice. She sometimes speaks of her daughter. One time she brings me a book of her poetry. It is not natural for a mother to outlive her daughter, she tells me.
The bard Vyautas Kernagis is buried a few plots away from Jurga. On the All Souls Day after Vytautas died, also of cancer, a fan sat beside Vytautas Kernagis’s grave, strumming a guitar, sipping dark beer from a glass bottle, tears streaming down his face, making toasts, crying out, “Oh, Vytautas, I miss you so!
The Catholics honor their dead on November 1st and the communists honor theirs on May 9th, the anniversary of the end of World War II and Russia’s victory over Germany. One May 9th, forgetting the date, I made one of my usual Sunday afternoon trips to Antakalnis Cemetery to tend to my grandparents’ grave and found myself in the middle of a sea of Russian-speakers, dressed in suits and formal gowns, carrying bouquets of blood red carnations to their people’s graves.
Painful as the Soviet occupation was for many Lithuanians, a percentage of the population collaborated with the Soviet regime and intermingled with the Russian colonists brought in by train to occupy the homes and jobs of those exiled to Siberia. Many of them are buried in Antakalnis Cemetery. The entire hilltop directly behind the graves of the students killed during the demonstrations for independence is populated by the graves of Soviet communist aparatchiks and collaborators. These graves reflect the aesthetic of social realism, an aesthetic that now comes across as absurdist, or even comical, but at the time conveyed the symbolism of a very concrete ideology. Besides the expected hammers and sickles and red stars, these graves are adorned with carvings of social realist depictions of the working man or working woman. For some odd reason, communist party leaders are sculpted into stone still wearing their square rimmed spectacles perched on their noses, even after death, as though they’d forgotten to remove their glasses before dozing off to sleep.
There were people at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs who questioned my choice to lay my grandparents’ remains to rest just a few hundred meters away from the communists my grandfather dedicated his life to fighting against. However, my grandfather was a liberal-minded man who took a measured view of other people’s convictions and did not hold their political views against them personally. I read in his diaries about how he would secretly arrange to have lunch with former Soviet citizens who had escaped from the Soviet Union in order to learn more about life behind the Iron Curtain. He wrote that he felt sorry for them because of the poor living conditions they endured. When the occasional Cold War escapees came trickling into the Lithuanian émigré community in New York City in the seventies and eighties, he opened up his home to them, setting politics aside and helping them establish themselves in America. For the entire duration of the Cold War, my grandparents mailed packages to relatives in Siberia and Lithuania, even in the years when they had very little for themselves and their own children.
A friend once showed me a secret burial ground situated in a patch of forest just beyond where the cemetery grounds end. In a forgotten corner overgrown with thick tangled weeds KGB officers and NKVD soldiers of the postwar period lie in communist peace. No religious ornamentation here. A single red star decorates each of the identical graves bearing names in Cyrillic. A year later I came back to this spot and was surprised to find the weeds cleared out and the graves restored. A new memorial plague dated from 2009 read that the Russian government had funded the restorations: Putin’s steely fingers reach even this far I thought to myself.
            I once took a group of writing students from Concordia University through Antakalnis Cemetery. I showed them a monument built for Lithuania’s first Soviet puppet president Antanas Sniečkus, a cement wall with his larger than life Big Brotheresque image carved into it. He was a real traitor, disowned even by his own mother, who fled to the West when the Soviets invaded Lithuania in 1944. Sniečkus organized the mass deportations of Lithuanians to Siberia and I suppose she felt that he would not have spared even his own mother.
            In the group there was an Inuit woman from Greenland. She had grown up in a small tribal community in northern Canada. After I narrated the story of Lithuania’s traitor, Antanas Sniečkus, she asked:
            “Was he a Russian?”
            “No,” I answered.
            “If that is so,” she insisted, “how could he have betrayed his tribe? In our culture, you do not betray your tribe.”
            Unfortunately, sometimes we do betray our own tribe.
            In interviews I conducted with Lithuanian Holocaust survivors, I listened to stories about how before World War II Jews and Lithuanians and Poles and Germans and Russians lived in Lithuania peacefully, side by side, for centuries. Then, during World War II, during the four-year Nazi occupation of Lithuania, ninety percent of Lithuania’s Jewish population was murdered by the Nazis along with local help. At the same time, other Lithuanians sheltered and hid Jews. There are no Jewish graves in Antakalnis Cemetery, however. The Jewish cemetery is located in the center of Vilnius and was destroyed during the Soviet occupation.
During the years of the Soviet occupation people could not openly celebrate All Soul’s Day, a holiday in Catholic countries where families visit the graves of their loved ones and decorate them with carnations and candles. In fact, my good friend, Dalia, now a mother of six, was arrested when she was a student, on November 1, 1987, by the KGB and almost expelled from Vilnius University for secretly lighting candles and placing them on the grave of the great Lithuanian poet and 19th century nationalist leader, Jonas Basanavičius. A year later the Lithuanian communist party, in an attempt to placate the rapidly growing independence movement, allowed people to visit their family graves on All Souls Day. Today All Souls Day is an official state holiday and schools and businesses shut down for the entire week so that families can travel to their home villages to honor their ancestors.
Every November 1st Antakalnis Cemetery is flooded in a sea of candles carried by people who come to the cemetery after dark to visit the graves of their family members and the graves of people they admire. My brother once flew into Vilnius on All Souls night and saw thousands of twinkling candles down below in Antakalnis Cemetery from the airplane window.
When I fly out of Vilnius, I look down from the oval of the airplane window at the patch of forest green where I know the Antakalnis Cemetery lies. I think of my grandparents lying beneath the deep dark, under thick vines that I dug up from my friend Virginia’s garden and replanted on their graves, a tangled green blanket to comfort them. There have been days that I have lain across my grandparents’ grave and cried—like a character out of a nineteenth century novel.
A few years ago I flew into Vilnius very late from London on the night of All Soul’s Day. Although it was already ten o’clock, I asked Thomas, who is French and not familiar with Lithuanian culture, if he would mind visiting the cemetery with me. I had bought candles a week before and had set them aside.
            “You want to visit the cemetery ten o’clock at night?” he asked quizzically.
            I explained the tradition. Although it was unfamiliar to him, for my sake he agreed to go. We parked at the small parking lot at the foot of the hill and walked through the ink black night to my grandparents’ grave. By five o’clock, when darkness descends, this cemetery is packed, making it difficult to get up the hill at anything faster than a crawl. Now the cemetery was deserted. Only candles flickered in the darkness surrounding us.
            I lit three candles and set them down on my grandparent’s grave. Thomas gazed around him at the sea of candles flickering in the night. Many of the graves were covered with dozens, even hundreds, of candles.
            “Laima, why did you bring so few candles for your grandparents?” Thomas asked.
            “One for the father, one for the son, one for the Holy Ghost,” I answered, my Catholic upbringing kicking in.
            “Your grandfather was a great man,” Thomas said reflectively. “He was a leader, like Martin Luther King. He deserves more than three candles.”
            At Thomas’s insistence we drove down the hill in search of a supermarket that was still open. We went to three supermarkets before we found one that stayed open late and had not run through their stock of candles. Thomas bought an entire case. We returned to the cemetery, climbed back up the dark hill, and spent half the night patiently lighting each candle until my grandparents’ grave was bathed in light.


Laima Vince